In a word, one can say without exaggeration that in these days Russia was at the center of world politics. This extremely high tempo of our work in international affairs is no coincidence. Essentially, it is about the elaboration of major decisions which, undoubtedly, will determine the vector of world development for the decades to come, and Russia is taking the most direct part in these processes. Actually, it is precisely now that we are beginning to get practical results from the implementation of the tasks which were set by us in the country's Foreign Policy Concept, approved by Vladimir Putin. All this is a striking testimony to the fact that our policy for pragmatism and realism in world affairs, the firm upholding of the interests of national security and economy has no alternative.

Such are the objective rules being dictated to us by the era of globalization, encompassing step by step ever new aspects of contemporary international relations. There exist divergent appraisals of this phenomenon, but one thing appears to be indubitable: globalization is objectively leading to a more interdependent world, to the further internationalization of all the aspects of the life of modern society.

The consequences of globalization are very ambiguous. In his Address to the Federal Assembly, the President of Russia particularly stressed that the world today is a world of tough competition.

Yet it is perfectly clear that we have no alternative to further integration into the world community. The task is to achieve this on the most favorable terms from the point of view of the national interests of Russia. This is the ultimate goal of our efforts in such priority lines of foreign policy as the formation of a fair democratic world pattern, the ensuring of strategic stability, the struggle against new threats and challenges, and the full-scale integration of Russia into the world economic system.

Of course, for the attainment of these objectives we have painstaking and long work ahead. At the same time over the last two years thanks to the general stabilization of the situation in the country it has been possible to advance in each of these areas to a certain extent. Anyway no one is likely to assert today, as in the prophecies for us only a couple of years ago, that the place of Russia is on the periphery of world politics. On the contrary, we observe the growing interest in partnership with Russia from a broad range of states and international structures.

But we firmly see and realistically assess the full range of both positive and adverse trends in international relations. We believe that the "remedy" for a tilt toward one-sidedness, and any other ailments of the present stage of world politics is the all-round strengthening of international law and the central coordinating role of the UN and support of other multilateral institutions.

The main criterion for the effectiveness of our course is the creation of favorable external conditions for the successful internal development of Russia. The most important of them is the ensuring of reliable security for the country. Taking into account present-day threats and challenges, as well as our potential and resources, we're striving to solve this task by politico-diplomatic means, on the basis of broad multilateral and bilateral cooperation.

It is the security interests, as most broadly understood, that lie at the core of our dialogue with the United States. All remember how not simply our relations began with the current US administration. Now, too, some differences remain between us, including those of a fundamental character. But on the main issue our policy toward the USA has fully justified itself. The US leadership and we have the understanding that existing problems ought to be dealt with on lines of dialogue, not confrontation. On this basis we have managed to advance substantially in the elaboration of a new strategic framework of Russian-American relations.

In the course of the recent Russian-American summit the new Treaty on Strategic Offensive Reductions was signed. This is a small document in size, but it is of basic importance. It speaks of the reduction of the aggregate number of strategic nuclear warheads, by December 31, 2012, to an agreed level of 1700-2200 for each Party. Furthermore, each Party will determine for itself the composition and structure of its strategic offensive arms. This gives us some additional flexibility in developing our strategic nuclear forces in comparison with the START-2 Treaty.

Moreover, the new Treaty contains a direct reference to the Genoa Statement of the Russian and US Presidents recording the interconnection between strategic offensive and defensive arms.

Thanks to this we will be able to continue talks on the range of ABM issues in the context of a US withdrawal from the Treaty of 1972. For the implementation of the new Treaty an appropriate bilateral commission is to be created which will on a permanent basis monitor the implementation of the agreements reached.

Of course, this is a compromise document. It will likely be criticized, asserting that more could have been gained. This was striven for also by those who were negotiating with the Russian side. As of now, however, the maximum possible result was achieved. The most important thing is that the negotiation process on this highly complicated problem has been preserved. And we hope this is the first step within the framework of possible future agreements.

Another area of our security cooperation with USA is the joint struggle against international terrorism. Thanks to the actions of the antiterrorist coalition it has been possible to virtually liquidate the direct threat to the security of Russia and our CIS partners: to smash the bases of terrorists in the territory of Afghanistan. It is clear that we could not have achieved that alone. Therefore participation by the USA and other nations in the antiterrorist operation in Afghanistan generally meets our interests.

This operation demanded the transfer of foreign military contingents to the territory of a number of Central Asian states. Naturally we are not indifferent to what the further fate of this presence will be. In dialogue with the USA we will continue to seek maximum transparency of its military activity in the region and time restrictions on its military presence. But much here depends on our own vigor too, including in bilateral relations with the Central Asian states. For there can be no vacuum in international affairs. It's necessary to actively use also the multilateral mechanisms of cooperation that we have available.

The development of the dialogue with the USA has also enabled us to get elaborated the document on the new model of relationship within the Russia-NATO Council, established in Rome on May 28. The issue, as the President of Russia stressed, is not about cooperation with the alliance in the field of defense, and even less so about Russia's entry into NATO. The aim which we had set ourselves was to create a mechanism of joint responsibility for the maintenance of peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region. In other words, the Russia-NATO Council is to provide all of its members with an opportunity to act on an equal basis and in their national capacities in domains where there are common interests: counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, disaster clean-up, a European missile defense system, and some others.

We are aware that the establishment of the Council most likely will not stop the NATO expansion. But we have actually created an alternative to this process that not only opens the way for qualitatively new relations between Russia and NATO, but also objectively facilitates the transformation of the alliance itself in a direction that meets the interests of Europe-wide security.

The President of Russia in his address underscored the priority importance of the development of the strategic partnership with the European Union. A Russia-EU summit took place in Moscow on May 29. It considered the first document in history on progress in the formation of a common European economic space, and approved a report on cooperation in the energy field. One of the key themes at the summit was the question of more substantive and substantial cooperation with the European Union in the context of the formation of European security and defense policy. Also the questions were discussed of ensuring the functioning of the Kaliningrad Region in view of the EU enlargement. Negotiations with the European Union on the questions of transit are proceeding very difficultly. We will continue to seek a solution of the problems arising in relation to the enlargement of the European Union.

On the whole our collaboration with the European Union, NATO, the OSCE, and other European structures creates necessary support elements for the formation of a common Europe-wide security and cooperation space.

Naturally, the number one priority of our foreign policy remains the development of bilateral and multilateral cooperation within the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Proposals are being prepared for the further reformation of the CIS with a view to converting it into an effective mechanism of economic integration of member countries and their harmonious inclusion in the system of world economic ties.

An example of real advance in this direction is the activities of the Eurasian Economic Community. Not so long ago Ukraine and Moldova became observers in it during the summit of this organization. Last year GDP in the countries of the community grew by more than 8 percent on average, industrial production by 9 percent, and the agricultural output by 10 percent. It was only natural that the meeting of the Inter-State Council of the Eurasian Economic Community held on May 13, 2002, took a decision on the coordination of actions in joining the WTO.

Work is under way on the strengthening and improvement of the Collective Security Treaty system. In this regard, the decision made at the meeting in Moscow this May on the transformation of this Treaty into an international regional organization is of fundamental importance.

In the interest of strengthening defense in the Asia-Pacific region we will do our best to maximally activate such a promising mechanism as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the creation of which was finalized in St. Petersburg early in June at the meeting of heads of state of the SCO member countries.

On the whole the Asia-Pacific region is an important priority in our foreign policy activity with due consideration in the first place for the interests of the regions of Siberia and the Russian Far East. In this connection I would like to dwell on several examples. A record growth of the trade turnover has been achieved with China, which has in fact become one of Russia's principal trading partners. Agreements have been developed that permit embarking on the implementation of the "project of the century" - the Russia-China oil pipeline - and participation of Russian companies in the construction of a West-East gas pipeline in the PRC. On the whole as a result of the signing last year of the Russian-Chinese Treaty on Good-neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation a solid base has been created for the development of many-sided cooperation for the long term.

In relations with India also a very high level of coordination on the international scene has been achieved, and a vigorous political dialogue is being conducted. Unfortunately, the trade-and-economic sphere is lagging behind so far, and to these questions we will devote special attention.

Russia is concerned by the exacerbation of the conflict between India and Pakistan, caused by the activity of extremist groups based in Islamabad-controlled territory. Our country has been making its contribution to the efforts taken in the interest of defusing the dangerous crisis in South Asia. Toward this end, Russian President Vladimir Putin held at the beginning of June meetings in Almaty with Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf. We expect the two neighbor countries to take the path of dialogue and cooperation, inter alia, in respect of the struggle against a common adversary - international terrorism.

In the sphere of our constant attention is the crisis situation in the Middle East. We maintain close contacts with the government of Israel, with the leadership of the Palestinian National Authority and with the overwhelming majority of the states of the region in the search of a way out of this crisis. To a considerable extent on our initiative the work has been launched of the Quartet of international mediators, consisting of the UN Secretary General, the foreign ministers of the United States and Russia, and the representatives of the European Union. We are now working out proposals for holding an international conference.

Our aim in Middle East settlement is clear. Israel and the Arab countries are "doomed" to coexistence in this region, therefore it is necessary to so do that this coexistence is peaceful and good-neighborly.

Another regional problem worrying us concerns the situation around Iraq. We, naturally, are doing all we can to keep the development of affairs within the framework of political settlement. With our active participation the dialogue has been resumed between the UN Secretary General and Baghdad. The various aspects of the implementation of the appropriate resolutions connected with Iraqi settlement are being discussed. We maintain a continual dialogue with Baghdad, pursue an active line in the Security Council, and believe definite trends are in evidence for reaching a political solution of the issue. The situation remains complicated, however, including with regard to the accomplishment of a force-based scenario.

Ensuring the security interests of Russia is closely connected with the work in the realm of "economic diplomacy." Its chief thrusts are the equal participation of Russia in international economic organizations, including accession to the WTO, support of domestic business, and counteracting the discrimination against Russian producers and exporters.

Not so long ago a new task was set for the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, that of coordinating work in the field of the protection of the rights of compatriots abroad. This, undoubtedly, is a very important line of Russian foreign policy. We will actively raise questions of protecting the interests of our compatriots both on a bilateral basis, in particular, in relations with the CIS countries, and within international organizations.

On the whole, however, the course taken by Russia for the pursuit of an active multivector policy, oriented on the use of all the possibilities of international cooperation to ensure our national interests, is beginning to yield ever greater results. The aim of Russian diplomacy is to act further in such a way as to ease the solution of the problems facing the country in various fields as much as possible.


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© Publication of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.