1. The upcoming visit by the President of Russia to the United States is being prepared against the background of the two countries' uniquely swift rapprochement. Do you think this rapprochement has been caused merely by the present day considerations or by something greater? To what type of relationship, in your opinion, may it lead in the long term?

Indeed, probably all now feel the positive charge of Russian-American relations, their throbbing energy. The dialogue and real cooperation have long since not known of this kind of rhythm. To recall history, our countries always joined their efforts when faced with a common enemy. In fact, such is the case now too. International terrorism, not stopping at anything in the achievement of its aims, is a common enemy. And it is important that on the antiterrorist front Russia and the US act - I won't be afraid of calling things by their own names - as allies.

But what is taking place in Russian-American relations should not be approached on the "every cloud has a silver lining" principle. The new formidable danger certainly has pushed Russia and the US towards closer cooperation. But using the highest standards this has only accelerated the process, which is objectively conditioned. For we have been persistently working with the United States for many years on the creation of truly partner relations - this is a principled choice of Russia. It didn't all go smoothly, there were hitches and snags, rollbacks, the clearing of negative accretions proceeded with difficulty. But the meetings between Vladimir Putin and George Bush in Ljubljana, Genoa and now after the terrorist acts that shocked the entire world - in Shanghai - laid the foundation of the current positive changes.

After September 11 the world in the true meaning of the word has become different. This without exaggeration is also a new count-off point in our relations with the US. President Bush often repeats that Putin was the first foreign leader to call to express condolences and solidarity over the New York and Washington tragedy. He also recalls that then followed the decisions, unthinkable in the conditions of the Cold War, to cancel the Russian long-range aviation exercises lest unnecessary strain be created for the US armed forces. And then many other, equally significant steps were taken by both sides that have led to the kind of cooperation with the US that perhaps has no analogue in the history of bilateral relations. It can be said that not even with all their traditional allies the Americans at this stage maintain so meaningful and close contacts as with us.

More generally speaking, in the circumstances it is becoming obvious that the time of polar, one-sided, egocentric approaches in world affairs is gone. It takes multilateral cooperation to struggle against transnational threats. And Russia for the United States in this collaboration is a natural, I would even say, inevitable partner.

It would be very important to use this new level of interaction in order to advance on the entire bilateral agenda. This is quite feasible, considering, in particular, the fundamental community of interests of our countries in such areas as strategic stability, the nonproliferation of WMD technologies, the combating of organized crime, drugs and disease, and solution of regional and ecological problems. And I am convinced that it is possible to unfold in an entirely new way the full range of Russian-American relations, to place them on firm lines and do so that the above positive changes become long-term and irreversible.

2. In Shanghai President Bush repeatedly called Putin his friend. Some are inclined to regard this as only a diplomatic overture to the November meeting. What do you think about that? How important is, in terms of strengthening the personal mutual understanding between the leaders, the informal part of Vladimir Putin's visit connected with the trip to Texas?

Yes, indeed. The Presidents have managed to find a common language and to establish good personal relations. This is exceptionally important.

Yet I am firmly convinced that the personal mutual understanding might not have come about if it did not reflect the prevalent vector of sentiment in Russian and American society. Essentially, being on the same wavelength, the Presidents were the first to perceive the objective need for Russia and the United States to be together at this historic turn. Credit goes to both leaders for this, herein shows their format of outstanding politicians.

Remember Ronald Reagan used to say, "Trust, but check"? This meant that there was no trace of real trust then, and mutual suspiciousness penetrated every sphere. What is taking place now is a fundamental break of the stereotype perceptions of each other and of the surrounding world. The Presidents in their contacts formulate an entirely new approach to the evolution of bilateral relations. The perception of these relations as a "zero-sum game" - what's good for Moscow is necessarily bad for Washington and vice versa - is receding into the past. In essence, the pivot of the current changes is that it is becoming clear to America who can become its true friend.

Now it's necessary to cement the qualitative change achieved as a result of the efforts made at the highest level. I will explain my thought. It so happens that the two leaders, who, in fact, gave the powerful political impetus to partnership, have now to materialize it during the November summit and to shift it onto a plane of concrete actions. But in accomplishing this cardinal task they should be helped by politicians, diplomats, the military, entrepreneurs, scientists and cultural workers of our countries, who at their levels should in all azimuths take up in earnest the task of developing these impulses.

As to the Presidents' meeting at the rancho in Crawford, it seems that this nonstandard format will be favorable for achieving necessary results. That Bush will be receiving the President of Russia at his place is indeed symbolic. This speaks volumes. The Presidents can be expected to consider truly core, basic issues of bilateral cooperation and international politics, including strategic stability and the relationship between Russia and NATO. Moreover, at Crawford it will be possible to have a talk without formalities and protocol, so to speak, heart-to-heart.

3. What can you say more specifically about the key themes of the summit, what are the expectations, what can be the results?

We hope that the upcoming meeting at the highest level will be a landmark one in the chronicle of Russian-American relations. The prerequisites are there, no small intellectual resource has been set into the preparation of the summit, and there is the mutual wish to do some work for a practical result. The agenda is extensive, so I shall dwell on the important items.

It is only natural that in the foreground is the entire set of questions of strategic stability. I think the sides may advance in solving the interlinked problems of strategic and defensive arms and the ABM. To go towards nuclear arsenals reduction is possible only in the conditions of strategic stability. We are convinced that this stability is ensured by the ABM Treaty and the related coherent system of disarmament agreements. The Treaty enables Russia and the US to jointly work on new models of a strategic relationship for the long term. Just to up and declare it a relict of the Cold War with all the ensuing consequences - that may be striking, but it doesn't solve the problem.

We in this sense are by no means dogmatic, but there is no way you can discard in one go the old until a reliable, legally firm new system is created that would ensure security for Russia and the United States and the world as a whole. Here prudence is needed, and hasty unilateral steps could inflict harm, unbalance the system. Building new strategic relations is a complex process, painstaking and reciprocal. It is not a question of any haggling - who outplays whom. The substance of START-ABM is a single whole objectively requiring an all-round approach. On the negotiating table are the concrete proposals of the sides.

Of course, the focus of attention at the summit will be questions related to the buildup of counteraction against terrorism. We appreciate cooperation with the United States of America within the international antiterrorist coalition and are ready to move further in the parameters set by the Russian President in his statement of September 24. We believe that the struggle against terrorism will bear a long-term and comprehensive character. Moreover, to nonmilitary aspects it is necessary to pay by far more attention, be it stopping the sources of funding for terrorists or determining the political parameters for a post-Taliban dispensation in Afghanistan. A basic point - all the components of the antiterrorist campaign must be based on a solid international law basis, which, by the way, requires its development, on the Charter of the United Nations and other UN instruments.

A key theme will be the economy. We are just going to have an entirely specific talk, since on the state of cooperation in this area the strength of the whole frame of Russian-American partnership depends to no small extent. This is the basis, the foundation. Where can the political impulses be turned into practical actions and concrete projects, but here? It is important that we're witnessing a reciprocal movement on the part of the business circles of Russia and the US - a business dialogue is getting under way, there is more vigor and initiative, American entrepreneurs have seen for themselves that fitting conditions for investment activity are being consistently formed in our country. Putin during his visit will have a chance for direct communication with business circles both in Washington and, especially, in Houston.

The barriers still remaining in trade hamper movement forward. A far more persevering endeavor is needed to surmount them. A glimmer of hope seems at last to have appeared in the question of exempting Russia wholly and conclusively from the Jackson-Vanik amendment - this truly odious survival of the past.

Intense work is currently going on to complete the preparation of the summit, including possible final documents. Our Embassy is involved in this work up to the hilt. I will particularly note that one of the most important elements of the summit program must be the comprehensive speech of Vladimir Putin that will sound exactly within the walls of the Russian Embassy, where administration and Congress members and the leading representatives of the political, business and public circles of America will gather. This format of an address by our President to the American and - more broadly - the international audience from the "Russian land" in Washington has probably been chosen for the first time, and this is a great honor to us.


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